Judicial
Corruption and the Rule by Law in Singapore
From: Yan Jun
[mailto:medp1128@hotmail.com]
Sent: Thursday, January 21, 2016 15:58
To: Lee Hsien Loong (PM)
Cc: AGC CIVIL (AGC); Connie CHAN (PS to the PM); Hui Agnes YAO (PA to Attorney-General); Jessie TEO (PA to Chief Justice); K Shanmugam (Minister for Law); Parliament Speaker; STATECOURTS_QSM@StateCourts.gov.sg; SUPCOURT Registry (SUPCOURT); Tony Tan (President); Alejandro Ponce (The World Justice Project); Judicial Reform Network in the 21st Century (JRN21); Liao Ran (Transparency International); Sofie Arjon Schütte (U4 Anti-corruption resource centre); Srirak Plipat (Transparency International); David Dadge (United Nations Office on Drug and Crime); Mickey Spiegel (Human Right Watch); Nicholas Bequelin (Amnesty International); Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (South East Asia); Phil Robertson (Human Right Watch); The International Service for Human Rights; Yuri Fedotov (United Nations Office on Drug and Crime); Commonwealth Magistrate and judges Association; David W Rivkin (International Bar Association); Elizabeth Andersen (American Bar of Association); Gail Davidson (Lawyers Rights Watch Canada); International Association of Judges; International Bar Association's Human Rights Institute; International Commission of Jurists; Mark Ellis (International Bar Association); Talia Dove (International Bar Association); Australia High Court; Federal Court of Malaysia; Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal; Supreme Court of Canada; Supreme Court of India; Supreme Court of New Zealand; Supreme Court of South Africa; The Caribbean Court of Justice; The Privy Council; Lian He Wan Bao; Lian He Zao Bao; Shin Min Daily; The Online Citizen (Singapore); The Straits Times; Yawning Bread; The Huffington Post; Asia times; Goplan Nair (Blogger); Jon Fasman (Economists) ; Keith Bradsher (New York Times); Linus Chua (Bloomberg); Patrick McDowell (The Wall Street Journal); Reporters Without Borders (RWB); Rico Hizon (BBC); Roberto Coloma (Agence France-Presse); Seiff Abby (Freelance Corrrespondent); The Guardian; Reform Party; Singapore Democratic Party; Singapore People's Party; Workers' Party; Brunei Embassy; Indonesia Embassy; Laos Embassy; Malaysia Embassy; Myanmar Embassy; Philippines Embassy; Thailand Embassy; Vietnam Embassy; Australia Embassy; Canada Embassy; France Embassy; German Embassy; Italy Embassy; Japan Embassy; UK Embassy; US Embassy; Argentina Embassy; Brazil Embassy; China Embassy; India Embassy; Mexico Embassy; Russia Embassy; Saudi Arabia Embassy; South Africa Embassy; South Korea Embassy; Turkey Embassy; Buscaglia Edgardo (Columbia University); Garry Rodan (Murdoch University); Li-ann Thio (Natiaonal University of Singapore); Matthew Stephenson (Harvard University); S.T. Quah Jon (National University of Singapore); Silverstein Gordon (Yale University) ; Susan Rose Ackerman (Yale University)
Subject: Judicial Corruption and the Rule by Law in Singapore
Sent: Thursday, January 21, 2016 15:58
To: Lee Hsien Loong (PM)
Cc: AGC CIVIL (AGC); Connie CHAN (PS to the PM); Hui Agnes YAO (PA to Attorney-General); Jessie TEO (PA to Chief Justice); K Shanmugam (Minister for Law); Parliament Speaker; STATECOURTS_QSM@StateCourts.gov.sg; SUPCOURT Registry (SUPCOURT); Tony Tan (President); Alejandro Ponce (The World Justice Project); Judicial Reform Network in the 21st Century (JRN21); Liao Ran (Transparency International); Sofie Arjon Schütte (U4 Anti-corruption resource centre); Srirak Plipat (Transparency International); David Dadge (United Nations Office on Drug and Crime); Mickey Spiegel (Human Right Watch); Nicholas Bequelin (Amnesty International); Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (South East Asia); Phil Robertson (Human Right Watch); The International Service for Human Rights; Yuri Fedotov (United Nations Office on Drug and Crime); Commonwealth Magistrate and judges Association; David W Rivkin (International Bar Association); Elizabeth Andersen (American Bar of Association); Gail Davidson (Lawyers Rights Watch Canada); International Association of Judges; International Bar Association's Human Rights Institute; International Commission of Jurists; Mark Ellis (International Bar Association); Talia Dove (International Bar Association); Australia High Court; Federal Court of Malaysia; Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal; Supreme Court of Canada; Supreme Court of India; Supreme Court of New Zealand; Supreme Court of South Africa; The Caribbean Court of Justice; The Privy Council; Lian He Wan Bao; Lian He Zao Bao; Shin Min Daily; The Online Citizen (Singapore); The Straits Times; Yawning Bread; The Huffington Post; Asia times; Goplan Nair (Blogger); Jon Fasman (Economists) ; Keith Bradsher (New York Times); Linus Chua (Bloomberg); Patrick McDowell (The Wall Street Journal); Reporters Without Borders (RWB); Rico Hizon (BBC); Roberto Coloma (Agence France-Presse); Seiff Abby (Freelance Corrrespondent); The Guardian; Reform Party; Singapore Democratic Party; Singapore People's Party; Workers' Party; Brunei Embassy; Indonesia Embassy; Laos Embassy; Malaysia Embassy; Myanmar Embassy; Philippines Embassy; Thailand Embassy; Vietnam Embassy; Australia Embassy; Canada Embassy; France Embassy; German Embassy; Italy Embassy; Japan Embassy; UK Embassy; US Embassy; Argentina Embassy; Brazil Embassy; China Embassy; India Embassy; Mexico Embassy; Russia Embassy; Saudi Arabia Embassy; South Africa Embassy; South Korea Embassy; Turkey Embassy; Buscaglia Edgardo (Columbia University); Garry Rodan (Murdoch University); Li-ann Thio (Natiaonal University of Singapore); Matthew Stephenson (Harvard University); S.T. Quah Jon (National University of Singapore); Silverstein Gordon (Yale University) ; Susan Rose Ackerman (Yale University)
Subject: Judicial Corruption and the Rule by Law in Singapore
Dear Prime
Minister Lee Hsien Loong,
I refer to my
emails to the PM dated 3 November and 25 November 2015.
“Spurious”
allegations
In these emails,
I made serious corruption allegations against the Supreme Court and requested
the PM to initiate an investigation into this matter. On 30 November, the
Attorney-General’s Chamber (the AGC) dismissed my allegations as spurious and
warned me of Contempt of Court proceedings if I continued to make these
allegations (See attachment 2). On 4 December I wrote to the PM to stand by my
position but the AGC didn’t take any action against me.
I have enough
reason to believe that the Government is covering up its misdeed, so I posted a
video entitled Judicial corruption in Singapore on You Tube to get the
message across to the general public.
The real issue:
an uncorrupt government or not?
The Supreme
Court’s actions in the present case have raised a question: Does Singapore
really have an uncorrupt government or the Government’s excellent reputation is
an artefact?
In social
science, it has been widely assumed that the level of corruption correlates
negatively with the level of democracy so a least corrupt country is supposed
to be fully democratic. Singapore is generally treated as an anomaly because of
its undemocratic PAP government.
I would say the
Government’s corruption-free reputation is an artefact because “corruption
in the judiciary ensures that corruption remains beyond the law in every other
field of government and economic activity in which it may have taken root”.
In theory, judicial corruption can cover up corruption-related situations
involving bribery, embezzlement, extortion, nepotism and fraud. As Transparency
International pointed out, “without an independent judiciary, graft
effectively becomes new ‘rule of law’”.
For the sake of
prudence, a number of local and international social scientists specialized in
corruption or rule of law are copied in on this email.
Grand judicial
corruption
“Judicial
corruption includes any inappropriate influence on the impartiality of the
judicial process “so bias serves as a good indicator of judicial
corruption. In this police wrongful arrest case, the Supreme Court clearly
revealed an actual bias in favor of the Government by issuing an unjust order
to punish the victim (me) and to award the perpetrator (the police).
Judicial corruption
can be divided into petty and grand corruption and the latter involves the
highest levels of government. Given the fact that the Chief Justice was
informed of the unjust order but didn’t intervene, it is clear that the
corruption in the Supreme Court falls into the category of grand judicial
corruption.
The past case
and concerns
Without
assistance from external authorities, it is almost impossible to prove there is
grand corruption in a given legal system. In the present case, the late PM Lee
Kuan Yew misinterpreted one of the most fundamental human rights (right against
arbitrary arrest) in 1984. The mistake is self-evident so no external authority
is required.
The last time
that the Supreme Court’s act of the grand corruption was uncovered was back in
1988 in J. B. Jeyaretnam case. Although the
Privy Council ruled that Jeyaretnam, an opposition leader, “"have
suffered a grievous injustice" by "a series of misjudgments",
the Supreme Court including the then Chief Justice refused to remove
Jeyaretnam’s conviction.
In July 2008,
the International Bar Association's Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) released a 72-page report and concerned
about “an actual or apparent lack of impartiality and/or independence” of
Singapore judiciary in cases involving the ruling party. At Paragraph 5 of the response letter, the Ministry
of Law dismissed the IBAHRI’s concern for lack of evidence to substantiate this
grave allegation.
An actual bias
in favor of the Government, or an actual lack of impartiality and/or
independence, has been unraveled in the present case. In retrospect, the
IBAHRI’s concern was both proportionate and necessary.
Rule by law
While Singapore
has a reputation for fairness in commercial law, I am uncertain whether the
rule of law is tailored to promote economic development rather than to protect
individual rights.
It is clear from
my first-hand litigation experience in the past 6 years that judicial
misconduct is a big problem for all courts including top legal officials. In my
email to the PM dated 3 November 2015 at Paragraph 14 to 17 (see email below),
I set out the irregularities on the part of Judge of Appeal Chao Hick Tin and
the Chief Justice Sundaresh Menon. I can talk more.
In my cases, I
have solid evidence to prove that what the courts upheld was not justice but a
social order in which the priority was given to the government’s interest, the
dignity of the judgments and the interest of the wife and the child. The
biggest problem lied with the Office of Public Affairs (OPA)/Office of
Chief Justice where the court officials had free rein to behave as they please
to intentionally cover up the judicial misconduct by way of flat denial.
Without giving
any justification, the OPA on 11 November 2015 dismissed my complaint as
baseless and stated “we will not entertain any further baseless complaints
of judicial misconduct from you and will not tolerate any further unwarranted
challenges”. I attached my original complaint to this email (See attachment
1) and would encourage the OPA to take action against me if it proves my
complaint baseless in public.
Recently I was
sued in the State Courts for “breach of contract”. In response to my evidence
that the plaintiff tampered with the original document and used a photocopy of
the tampered document to file this case, both the plaintiff and the hearing
judge adamantly refused to admit that the photocopy was a genuine copy. The
judge rejected my request to examine the original document and forced me to
accept the photocopy and made a cost order against me.
If this judge is
right, everyone can sue me for “breach of contract” with a fake document. It is
the plaintiff and the court who bear the burden to ensure that a contract is a
genuine copy so there is a case. I didn’t think this judge had administered
justice so I reported a forgery offence to the police (No. A/20160107/2096).
While a complaint of judicial corruption was filed to the OPA, I am not sure
there will be response because the OPA “will not entertain any further
baseless complaints of judicial misconduct from you”.
Overall, I don’t
think I can get justice because what the courts has upheld is not the rule of
law and the courts have forced me to accept injustice to protect the dignity of
the judgments most of the time. I stand by my words.
My appeal to the
international community
First, I would
appeal to the intentional community for intervention on the ground that
Singapore government is unfortunately in violation of Article 9 of Universal
Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Singapore subscribes to the UDHR so is
supposed to follow Article 9, or “no one shall be subjected to arbitrary
arrest, detention or exile”, however, the Court of Appeal has legitimized
arbitrary arrest in its judgment of [2014] SGCA 60 (Para 89-96).
Second, I would
appeal to the international legal organizations for intervention to curb the
grand judicial corruption and the blatant violation of the rule of law in
Singapore. I am not the first person to criticize the Singapore judiciary (See Criminalising
Critique of the Singapore Judiciary). The easiest
way is to urge the AGC to take action against me if it denies my corruption
allegations.
My appeal to the
opposition parties
One role of the
opposition parties is to hold the government accountable to the public. Since
the Government hasn’t responded to this grand corruption scandal in public, I
would request the opposition parties to raise this issue in the parliament. I
am ready to testify in person and would appreciate it if my request is
considered carefully. This email is copied to the president (tony_tan@istana.gov.sg) and the
parliament speaker (halimah_yacob@parl.gov.sg).
As for why the
Government has done well in international anticorruption surveys, I explained
briefly in the video Judicial corruption in Singapore (at 8m54s).
My request to
the PM for investigations
Given the fact
that Singapore has reputation for zero tolerance against
corruption, it is big news if the Supreme Court is proved
corrupt at large scale. I believe the whole world (ASEAN, G7, G20) is seriously
interested to find out whether the PAP government is really as clean as it
appears to be. In sharp contrast to the Courts’ image of upholding justice, my
6 years litigation experience shows the opposite of this image.
This is the 4th
time I request to the PM for investigations and this time, for an investigation
in response to my corruption allegations on You Tube. I think the Government
ought to either admit the judicial corruption or to take action against me to
clear its name. In the interest of justice, I encourage the Government to take
action against me so the issue of judicial corruption can be solved in
public.
I would request
the AGC to explain why it didn’t bring contempt of court proceedings against me
after I confirmed my corruption allegations on 4 December 2015.
Thank you very
much for your attention and patience to read a long letter. I am looking
forward to a definite answer from the PM.
Regards,
Yan Jun
(Singapore NRIC:
S7684361I)
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