2018年2月14日星期三

Is Singapore’s legal system fair ?


1.     Singapore is generally believed to have one of the most fair legal systems in the world. In 2010, Singapore was ranked top in the world by the World Justice Project (WJP) for access to civil justice in the high-income countries group. In February 2018, Singapore was still ranked 13th by the WJP in global rule of law index. However, human rights groups see Singapore’s judicial system as oppressive and the Western Press thinks Singapore’s remarkable economic success has been achieved at the cost of fundamental civil liberties.

2.     So is Singapore’s legal system as oppressive as human rights groups have claimed or as fair and transparent as its top ranking has suggested?

My opinion
3.     The essential function of the Singapore’s legal system is to protect the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) government’s interests at the expense of justice. Although it is extremely difficult to establish and legitimize authoritarian rule, the ruling PAP has succeeded by taking complete control of Singapore’s legal system.

4.     Most people may disagree with me on the grounds that they have never felt that their freedom was restricted by the so-called authoritarian PAP government. There is also a prevailing view that the use of repression by the government is against political opponents only so an ordinary person in Singapore can live his own life as harmonious as possible with the government if he doesn’t care too much about his right to free speech and expression.

5.     For three reasons, these common misconceptions are wrong. First, people haven’t complained the loss of their freedom because they are not aware that their fundamental rights have been deliberately curtailed by the court. Secondly, legal academics are generally reluctant to criticize judgements no matter how harsh and arbitrary these judgements are. Thirdly, the mainstream media is heavily controlled by the government so people have no access to the reports of judicial misconduct and judicial corruption. 

6.     In my opinion, Tey Tsun Hang, a former National University of Singapore law professor, arguably made the first in-depth analysis of Singapore’s legal system. He observed that “Despite its small size, Singapore occupies a position of special significance in the debate on the relationship between economic development and political, social and legal institutions. The ruling People's Action Party (PAP) of Singapore legitimises its authoritarian political regime - and insulates it from substantive scrutiny - via a three pronged strategy: first, through its tightly controlled media and communication channels; secondly, by delivering an admirable economic performance and, creating and maintaining an awe-inspiring standard of living; and thirdly - and most importantly - through its legal institutions. However, there are profound logical flaws and stark absences of consistency in the judgements that help secure this legal state of affairs”. [1]

7.     It should note that Tey Tsun Hang clearly stated in his article that “One could be tempted to speculate on the partiality or otherwise of the Singapore judiciary in moulding the law of contempt of court” and his article “does not seek to do any of this, nor does it intend to”.[2] In 2013, he was embroiled in a high-profile sex-for-benefits case with a student and he claimed that the case was politically motivated.[3]

8.     In the following paragraphs, I will present convincing evidence to explain how an ordinary person’s fundamental rights are constantly being violated by Singapore’s legal system in the interests of the PAP government.

The 1st line of evidence: The legalization of arbitrary arrests by police
9.     In this section, I will explain how and why the Supreme Court legitimized the arbitrary arrest and detention by police. In other words, everyone in Singapore has been deprived of their fundamental right against arbitrary arrest and detention as a result of the bias on the part of the Supreme Court towards the government.  

10.  In the case of Yan Jun v Attorney-General [2014] SGCA 60, the Supreme Court definitely ruled that the arrest at issue was unlawful and the government should pay the victim damages. However, the Supreme Court subsequently dismissed the entire case and ordered the victim to pay $30,000 in legal costs to the government. The Supreme Court didn’t award a single cent to the victim.   

11.  The root of this miscarriage of justice was the fact that the case raised an issue of whether the late Lee Kuan Yew in 1984 had misinterpreted the Article 9(4) of the Constitution of Singapore, or the right against arbitrary arrest and detention. While the late Lee Kuan Yew’s interpretation directly contradicted the foundation of the Constitution, or the presumption of innocence, the Supreme Court still ruled in favour of the government. That explains why the Supreme Court has so far absolutely declined to confirm its judgement.

12.  When the victim accused the Supreme Court of bias towards the government and consequently refused to attend the subsequent hearings, the Supreme Court deliberately dismissed the entire case with the intention that the victim would voluntarily accept its misjudgement and the Lee Kuan Yews’ misinterpretation. This explains why the Supreme Court and the government have categorically refused to bring contempt proceedings against the victim in response to the victim’s numerous public protests against the Supreme Court over judicial corruption.  

13.  The information in detail can be found in YouTube video "Judicial corruption in Singapore".[4]

The 2nd line of evidence:  The arbitrary use of maintenance orders against the husband
14.  In this section, I will explain how and why the Family Justice Courts (FJCs) and the Supreme Court have purposely used maintenance orders issued during the course of the marriage to satisfy the wife’s financial needs at the expense of justice. This drastic measure has effectively shifted the government’s responsibility to provide welfare benefit to the married women with low earning capacity to their husbands. 

15.  In Singapore, the Women’s Charter, or the family law, requires a husband to provide reasonable maintenance to his wife during the marriage. Section 69 (1) of the Women’s Charter reads that “The court may, on the application of a wife, and on due proof that her husband has neglected or refused to provide reasonable maintenance for her, order the husband to pay a monthly allowance or a lump sum for the maintenance of that wife”.[5]

16.  It should note that section 46(1) of the Women’s Charter precisely specifies rights and duties of the husband and the wife during the marriage: “Upon the solemnization of marriage, the husband and the wife shall be mutually bound to co-operate with each other in safeguarding the interests of the union and in caring and providing for the children.”[6]
     
17.  These two clauses are consistent with each other. If a husband fails to reasonably maintain his wife, he will breach his duty to safeguard the interests of the union or family so his wife will be in a position to exercise her right to safeguard the interests of the family by taking out an application to the FJCs for maintenance from her husband. For the same reason, if a wife misbehaved herself by committing adultery or deserting or abusing her husband, her husband will be in a position to exercise his right to protect the interests of the family by refusing to provide her with reasonable maintenance even if his wife is in financial needs. If this husband does maintain his wife, he will breach his duty specified in s 46(1) by acing against the interests of the union.

18.  To almost everyone’s surprise, both the FJCs and the Supreme Court are of opinion that a wife is entitled to maintenance from her husband during the course of the marriage, regardless of the financial support her husband has already provided and her own misconduct. The court’s position can be easily found by taking a look at the standard application procedure set out on the website of the FJCs.[7] Although a judge will hear the case and determine the quantum of maintenance on the basis of both party’s financial condition shown in their bank and CPF statements, salary slips, IRAS Notices of Assessments and lists of personal monthly expenses, the judge doesn’t touch on the husband’s fault, or whether he has failed to provide his wife with reasonable maintenance.

19.  It is evident that the courts simply saw the provision of maintenance as a husband’s mandatory duty to satisfy his wife’s financial needs but not a husband’s right to protect the interests of the union. This extremely simplified position can be easily proved wrong. If a husband puts all his income into his wife’s personal bank account, his wife will not be in a position to apply for maintenance because this wife has a full control of the financial resources of the family.

20.  It was Professor Leong Wai Kum, a law professor in the National University of Singapore (NUS) and a pioneer in family law, who argued that the husband ought to maintain misbehaved wives during the marriage. In 1979, Prof. Leong made an interesting observation  that “These [misconduct-based] defenses are objectionable because they reflect a faulty analysis of marriage as comprising no more than a series of rights and duties---that breach of the wife’s “duty” of fidelity ought to result in the loss of her “right” to maintenance.”[8]

21.  In 1987, Prof. Leong explained further that “It is quite clear that a wife need not lose her claim for maintenance just because she has conducted herself badly during the course of the marriage although, of course, the court may take this into account in considering the quantum or the duration of the order. The commission of adultery or desertion need no longer disqualify a needy wife from an order for maintenance from her former husband. The reference to this new thinking by the Minister is thus of much significance. Surely if a man may be ordered to maintain a woman who is no longer his wife despite the fact that she misconducted herself during the course of the marriage there is all the more reason to make him maintain her while she is still his wife[9].

22.  Tan Cheng Han, a former dean of the Faculty of Law of the NUS, agreed with Prof. Leong and further explained in 2000 that “The 1980 amendments introduced the concept of 'no-fault' divorce. As such, it is open to the courts to grant maintenance under sections 113 and 114 of the Charter even if the wife has committed adultery or deserted her husband. If the courts can order maintenance in favour of an ex-wife who has misconducted herself, they must equally be able to do so where the parties are still married”.[10]

23.  Prof. Tan clearly pointed out that Prof. Leong’s opinion was accepted in 1990 by the court in Palvit Singh v Sawaran Kaur[11] where the Magistrate approved a wife’s application for maintenance from her husband despite she deserted her husband.[12] In addition, in Yip Mei Ling (mw)  v. Tan Thiam Chye[13], the then District Judge Koh Juat Jong didn't subject the wife's misconduct, or the alleged irresponsible actions of breaking up the family, to the wife's duty to safeguard the interests of the family and ruled that her husband must provide her with maintenance.

24.  It should note that in Singapore a wife doesn’t owe her husband a duty of fidelity at all and it is universally accepted that a wife should not commit adultery in the interests of the family. It is wrong for legal experts to assume that the wife and the husband have exactly the same rights and duties during the marriage and after divorce. Given the fact that the breakup of the marriage completely erases the interests of the union, “no-fault” divorce is not applicable to maintenance applications during the course of the marriage. The husband’s duty to provide maintenance to her ex-wife is an obligation at common law and the Parliament hasn’t specified the purpose of maintenance for ex-wife. In sharp contrast, the purpose of maintenance during the marriage is precisely defined as “to safeguard the interests of the union”.

25.  On Sep 11, 2012, I carefully explained to the FJCs and the Supreme Court that their opinion about the maintenance application during marriage was wrong but there was no answer. In April 2013, I informed Prof. Leong of the flaws in her logic behind her position, she didn’t reply. On May 28, 2014, I emailed my criticisms of the judgement in the case of Chan Tin Sun v Fong Quay Sim [2014] SGHC 97 to Chinese-language newspaper Lianhe Zaobao. In this letter, I clearly explained why both the Supreme Court and the Prof. Leong Wai Kum were wrong in understanding the maintenance orders issued during the marriage. There was no response.

26.  As of today, the FJCs are still imposing injustice on the husband by issuing arbitrary maintenance orders. Even worse is the fact that judges find themselves in a tricky situation when processing maintenance applications taken out by the elder parent under Maintenance of Parents Act (Chapter 167B). The key issue here remains the same: Who bears the burden to prove that the parent is unable to maintain himself adequately so he is in a positon to apply for maintenance from his child? The parent or the child?

27.  The provision of reasonable maintenance to the wife, to the child and to the parent is a right in the first place for a married person to safeguard the interests of the family. However, the court has arbitrarily made it an absolute duty. Given the fact that the young parent is legally required to maintain the child, the husband to maintain the wife, and the child to maintain their elder parents, the Supreme Court and the FJCSs deserve credit for legally relieving the government’s responsibility to provide welfare benefit to needy individuals and families by way of misinterpreting the law.

The 3rd line of evidence: The court’s denial of the government’s duty to ensure road users’ right to safety
28.  In this section, I will explain how the Supreme Court has in the case of Asnah bte Ab Rahman v Li Jianlin [2016] SGCA 16[14] helped the government evade its responsibility to ensure road users’ safety while crossing the road. To this end, the majority judges, Chao Hick Tin JA (as he then was) and Quentin Loh J, ruled that even if pedestrians had a green light at signalized pedestrian crossing, pedestrians still had to fulfil their duty to safeguard their own safety by checking oncoming vehicles to assess the risk of being knocked down by the vehicles, regardless of whether motorists were engaging in negligent/careless driving or reckless/wanton driving.[15]

 The lights were green in Mr Li's favour when he was knocked down by a cab driver in 2011 at the crossing in Bukit Batok West Avenue 5 (above). In 2014, the High Court found the driver fully to blame for the accident. ST PHOTO [16]

The issue
29.  The only issue in Asnah is whether pedestrians should take responsibility for their own safety at signalized pedestrian crossings when they have a green light and act in strict accordance with the law. The exact issue, as the minority judge Sundaresh Menon CJ pointed out, is whether a pedestrian, who has crossed a significant portion of a controlled pedestrian crossing, should be held to be contributorily negligent in circumstances where [17]:
(a)   the pedestrian crossing lights were in the pedestrian’s favour throughout;
(b)   the lights had been in the pedestrian’s favour for a considerable period of time by the time of the collision;
(c)   the pedestrian was knocked down by a motorist who for some inexplicable reason wholly failed to see the traffic lights and so not only did not stop but did not even slow down;
(d)   and the motorist has admitted that she was driving dangerously and has been convicted of an offence for so doing.

The majority opinion
30.  The majority judges ruled that victim in this case contributed to the car-pedestrian accident by deliberately putting himself at the risk of accidents although the victim had a green light.

31.  The majority turned the issue of contributory negligence into 3 consecutive questions. The first question is whether a pedestrian owes himself a responsibility to check for oncoming traffic before entering a signalized pedestrian crossing even when the lights are in his favour. The second question is whether the pedestrian had in these circumstances a duty to keep a proper lookout before stepping onto the second half of the road. The third question is whether the pedestrian had in fact failed to keep a proper lookout before stepping onto the second half of the road and failed to safeguard against the risk of oncoming traffic.[18]

32.  In a three-step manner, the majority answered the 1st question in the affirmative. In the 1st step, the majority assumed that all traffic accidents at signalized pedestrian crossings were caused by negligent driving and turned the 1st question into a question about “whether the pedestrian's right of way within a signalised crossing entitles him to also assume that all motorists would obey the law and drive in a reasonable manner”.[19]

33.  In the 2nd step, on the basis of a report by a Koays Consulting Pte Ltd,[20] the majority accepted the view that “the invention of the traffic light was for the government to resolve the issue of rapid growth of vehicular traffic”. Subsequently, the majority reasoned that “Given the obvious risks posed by fast moving vehicular traffic, traffic signals and pedestrian crossings together formed a compromise of sorts between pedestrians’ and motorists’ respective interests in the utilisation of road spaces”.[21] Therefore, the majority concluded that “the signalized pedestrian crossings mitigate road dangers rather than eliminate them altogether”[22] and then used this conclusion as a defence against the well-establish position that “pedestrian crossings are meant to be safe havens in which pedestrians can cross roads without having to pay "undue attention" to vehicular traffic”.[23]

34.  In the 3rd step, the majority cited some statistics, 2 newspaper reports and parliament speeches on negligent driving to show that pedestrians’ risk of being knocked down by a motorist running a red light was a sufficiently foreseeable. As such, pedestrians owed themselves a duty to check for oncoming traffic. In response to the argument that pedestrians’ had a statutory right of way over motorists when traffic lights were in pedestrians’ favor so they didn’t have a duty to check for oncoming traffic, the majority cited rule 22 of Highway Code and insisted that the spirit of rule 22 required pedestrians to take reasonable care for their own safety even at controlled crossings[24].

35.  Unfortunately, rule 22 required pedestrians not to use controlled crossings until the traffic in front of them came to a standstill. If rule 22 was applied in the strictest sense, pedestrians must start to step onto a crossing after oncoming traffic stopped completely and thus they wouldn’t have sufficient time to cross the road. To fix this flaw, the majority changed the standard for assessing a standstill from an objective “complete stop of traffic” to a subjective “slowing down of traffic” on the grounds that “statutes are to be interpreted in a manner that promotes the purpose or object underlying its enactment”. [25]  This way, the majority proved that a pedestrian had a duty to check for oncoming traffic in order to fulfil his duty to safeguard his own safety.

36.  It should note that both the majority [26] and the Appellant (taxi driver) [27] were of opinion that pedestrians ‘duty to safeguard their own safety under rule 22 of the Highway Code was applicable to a car accident caused by both negligent or careless driving and reckless or wanton driving.

37.  The majority went on to determine whether the victim in this case had fulfilled his duty to safeguard his own safety when he reached the central divider and started to step onto the 2nd half of the crossing. The judges accepted the taxi driver’s estimation that the speed of taxi was 55km/h (experts’ estimation was 40-68km/h) and roughly calculated that it took 1 to 1.5 seconds for the victim to walk second or third step past the centre-divider before he was hit by the taxi. The majority then calculated the taxi was probably about 15–23m away from the victim at the time when the victim reached the central divider and was about to step onto the 2nd half of the crossing. The braking distance, or the distance that the taxi would travel if the taxi driver fully applied the brakes at the point when the victim reached the central divider to when the taxi came to a complete stop, was estimate to be a few metres more than 23m at the very most.[28]

38.  The majority confidently concluded that “Any reasonable person upon seeing a vehicle hurtling towards him at that speed and within such close proximity with no signs of slowing down would hesitate to step into the path of the vehicle. If the Respondent had checked, it would have been apparent that the vehicle was not going to stop in good time, and he would not have continued his journey across the second half of the crossing. Based on the premises we have examined; it was evident that the Respondent did not check for approaching vehicular traffic. Even if he did, he clearly failed to make a reasonable assessment of the risks posed by the approaching vehicle.”[29]

My criticism of the majority opinion
39.  I think the minority opinion is correct. As explained in the grounds set out below, pedestrian crossings are meant to be safe havens for road users. In sharp contrast to majority’s and the Appellant’s positon that rule 22 of Highway Code is applicable to car-pedestrian accidents caused by both negligent/careless driving and reckless/wilful/wanton driving, rule 22 is not applicable to road users in utilization of signalized pedestrian-crossings because the so-called duty to safeguard one’s own safety must be subjected to the fundamental duty not to hurt others, or the footing on which English tort law stands.  

40.  The majority opinion went wrong in two ways. First, the majority mistakenly chose contributory negligence as the starting point to analyse accidents occurred at controlled crossings. Given the fact that such car accidents can be caused by both negligent and reckless driving and it is well established that contributory negligence is not a defence for reckless driving[30], the correct starting point is “breach of duty” construed by Lord Denning in Letang.

41.  The phrase “breach of duty” was construed by Lord Denning in Letang: “Our whole law of tort today proceeds on the footing that there is a duty owed by every man not to injure his neighbour in a way that is forbidden by law. Negligence is a breach of such a duty. So is nuisance. …[so is] malicious prosecution.”[31] Given the fact that Singapore's legal system is based on the English common law system, the government must lay down the law in such a way that an ordinarily prudent person is not in a position to injure his neighbour as long as he acts in strict accordance with the law.

42.  In a car-pedestrian accident, both pedestrians and motorists unavoidably breach their duty not to hurt others because both parties get hurt physically or emotionally no matter who is at fault. So when it came to crossing the road, there were at least two ways for the government to fulfil its duty to ensure that road users are in a position to fulfil their fundamental duty not to hurt their neighbours. One way was to build overhead bridges or underpasses so pedestrians and motorists could share the road space without coming into contact with each other. The other way was to control traffic with traffic lights and pedestrian crossings. To this end, the government must impose strict safety requirements to ensure that only road users who have a green light can legally cross the road. As a result, the danger of hurting others or being hurt can be eliminated altogether for road users and the safe movement of vehicles is guaranteed.

43.  The majority considerably deviated from the law relating “breach of duty” construed in Letang. The above analysis of the “breach of duty” clearly shows that the primary function of traffic lights and pedestrian crossings is not simply to settle the issue of heavy traffic volume but to facilitate the safe movement of vehicles and to avoid collision. So the government on the one hand is able to ensure that English tort law is still on a sound footing when it is applied to disputes resulting from car-pedestrian accidents, and on the other hand is able to settle the issue of heavy traffic volume.

44.  In other words, signalized pedestrian crossings are meant to be safe havens in which pedestrians can cross roads without having to pay "undue attention” to vehicular traffic. “Fool-proof” in the sense of qualitative measures such as traffic lights or traffic police hand signals must be used for the government to ensure the safety of road users from all walk of life.

45.  Secondly, the majority misunderstood the nature of the risk assessment standard. The standard for pedestrians to assess the risk of being knocked down by oncoming vehicles before they step onto a crossing is subjective. Given the fact that pedestrians are from all walks of life, assessment results are supposed to be at variance or even contradictory with pedestrians’ age, gender, education, driving experience, physical conditions such as eyesight, hearing etc. However, the court can only use one objective standard to assess the risk. It is well-established that what the court can determine is whether pedestrians should have known of the risk but not whether they knew of the risk.[32]

46.  The majority argued that the replacement of the objective standard of “complete stop of traffic with a subjective standard of “slowing down of traffic” was able to fix the flaw they encounter while interpreting rule 22 of the Highway Code. However, this argument is misconceived. The standard for risk assessment must be ‘fool-proof” in the sense of qualitative but not quantitative so the issue about whether pedestrians have fulfilled his duty to safeguard against danger can be objectively assessed by the court.

47.  The objective assessment, or the quantitative remodelling of the accident, is unfit for measuring whether the pedestrian fulfilled his duty in this case because quantitative assessment results are highly susceptible to the selection of key parameters such as the speed of the taxi, the time that the victim used to walk 2 to 3 steps past the central divider, etc. Although the majority frankly admitted that the objective standard of care they preferred couldn't be applied to wheel-chair bound or a very young child, they chose to leave this issue to be considered in the future on the grounds that this area of law remains unsettled and is evolving.[33]

48.  The fact is that while the majority judge confidently reasoned that “it was evident that the Respondent did not check for approaching vehicular traffic. Even if he did, he clearly failed to make a reasonable assessment of the risks posed by the approaching vehicle”, this argument couldn’t even convince the minority. In fact, within 1 to 1.5 seconds, it is not possible for an ordinary person to estimate the speed of the car and to rough calculate the braking distance of the taxi in the present case.

49.  As the minority reasoned that “It should be noted that at 55 km/h (being the appellant’s admitted speed) and 68 km/h (being the high end of her own expert’s estimate) the traffic lights would have been visible to the appellant for between 8 and 10 seconds prior to the collision. To remain oblivious to the lights for that length of time goes far beyond anything that could fairly be described as a lapse. In my judgment, it is material that the appellant’s conduct was so egregious that it was dangerous to other road users. I find it unsatisfactory that a road user who is acting entirely within and in accordance with the law should be subjected to a duty to guard against the dangerous (and not merely careless) conduct of others and this, in my judgement, goes beyond what was contemplated in either Grant or in Jones.”[34]

50.  With regard to the issue of whether the pedestrian crossing should be treated as two separate crossings, the minority pointed out that “that centre refuges or islands must be sufficiently wide so as to afford pedestrians a safe place to stop and look before continuing to cross.”[35]

51.  The above analysis shows that the majority denied government’s responsibility to ensure road users right to safety, or life save from injury.

The 4th line of evidence:  Mistreatment and abuse in Changi Prison
52.  In this section, I will explain how Changi Prison is imposing authoritarian rule on prisoners from 3 perspectives: health care, disciplinary punishment, and making complaints about mistreatment. In my opinion, Changi Prison is in a position to carry considerable improvement to its system.  

53.  I was sentenced to prison 3 times and totally spent 15 weeks or so in Changi Prison. My understanding of prisoner’s rights is that prisoners have an absolute right to sleep. Eating in prison is not an absolute right and it is a duty as well because prisoners on hunger strike will invariably face disciplinary punishment. While prisoners generally have a right to medical treatment, they don’t have a right to refuse treatment even if the doctors’ diagnosis is arbitrary.  

54.  With regard to health care in Changi Prison, the problem that the prison is facing is the low level of professional competence, especially the misdiagnosis of psychiatric disorders. On Oct 27, 2016, prison psychiatrist Rajesh Jacob totally disregarded the official diagnosis made by the Institute of Mental Health (IMH) 6 months ago and diagnosed me with “delusional disorder of persecutory type” after he talked to me for a few minutes. On the next day, I was forcibly transported to the IMH. Dr. Jacob even prescribed anti-psychotic medications to me, as the IMH documents later revealed. When I was sentenced to prison again in July 2017, I was surprised to find that I was automatically put on medication for consecutive 4 days.

55.  On August 3rd, 2017, I was on a hunger strike after I was forcibly placed by Superintendent Tan Bin Kiat in a solitary confinement cell in prison medical ward.  A physician at medical ward ignored the official diagnosis issued by the IMH on July 18, 2017 and insisted that I suffered from mental disorders after I told him a short hunger strike could not cause malnutrition because fat stored in the body could provide energy for cell metabolism. This doctor refused to identified himself. There was no way to file a complaint against a doctor. In the next few days, 4 psychiatrists talked to me and 3 of them were interested in finding out whether I considered my life meaningless. However, none of them was willing to testify in court about their suspicion of my mental condition. When I was released from the prison on Oct 9, 2017, this physician still wished to refer me to the IMH. Although none of prison doctors talked to me throughout my most recent jail term, I still received a referral letter to the IMH when I was released on Jan 2, 2018.

56.  With regard to disciplinary punishment, the prison management ought to be criticized. First of all, there is a lack of legal assistance in Changi Prison because none of prison officers are legally trained. Prison officers had to write to the Ministry of Home Affairs when legal issue arose. The officers were unable to inform prisoners about their rights and duties. What a prisoner was supposed to know was to follow officers’ orders. Although local and foreign prisoners live together, only Singaporeans (or maybe PRs) are required to take a blood test for HIV. In response to my question, prison authorities adamantly refused to justify this explicit discrimination but blamed me for making trouble.

57.  Secondly, there was a use of excessive force on prisoners. On August 2nd, 2017, Superintendent Tan Bin Kiat supervised a restraint operation on me in response to my hunger strike against solitary confinement. In my opinion, Superintendent Tan should be more careful with restraint operations and the use of excessive force because the operation previously caused the death of an inmate in 2013.[36] Unlike medical staff in the IMH, prison officers like to fix prisoners’ head to control them and thus injury prisoners’ neck and may obstruct their respiratory tract.

58.  Thirdly, there is abuse of power in adjudication hearings and investigations officers under provost are not fair at all. It is a routine for hearing adjudicators including Superintendent Sze Chuck Huang not to issue any written documents which include a prisoner’s misconduct and the prison rule he had breached. I have never heard that an adjudicator issued grounds of his decision or that an appeal against an adjudicator’s decision was allowed even if prisoners were caned. In September 2017, I was punished for staging a hunger strike and got a warning from an adjudicator. In December 2017, Superintendent Sze Chuck Huang punished me by putting me in solitary confinement for 3 days during which I staged a hunger strike against the miscarriage of justice. When I asked an adjudicator why I wasn’t punished for staging the hunger strike in solitary confinement cell, there was no response.  

59.  With regard to making complaints about mistreatment, there is a lack of accountability mechanisms in Changi Prison. It is a fact that prison authorities don’t accept complaints against the prison and has never provided me with a written reply even my complaints were against prison officers. In response to my request to write to the Supreme Court, Superintendent Teo Hock Soon required me to submit a draft letter and then there was no reply at all after I submitted the draft.  

Conclusion
60.  I believe the information I provide above to demonstrate that the PAP government is maintaining authoritarian rule through its legal system. 



Yan Jun
(Singapore NRIC: S7684361I)
February 14, 2018



[1] Tey, T.H. (2010). Criminalising critique of the Singapore judiciary. Hong Kong Law Journal Vol.40 (3), pp. 751.
[3] My prosecution was politically motivated: former NUS law professor. Yahoo Newsroom28 February 2014. See: https://sg.news.yahoo.com/my-prosecution-was-politically-motivated--former-nus-law-professor-065210900.html
[4] YouTube video Judicial corruption in Singapore, See: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1Q15qeptsXk.
[5] Section 69(1) of the Women’s Charter (Chapter 353). See: https://sso.agc.gov.sg/Act/WC1961
[6] Ibid, Section 46(1).
[8] Leong, W. K. (1979) A turning point in Singapore family law: Women's charter (Amendment) Bill 1979 Malaya Law Review, Vol. 21, No. 2 (December 1979), pp. 348, last paragraph.
[9] Leong, W. K. (1987) Duty to Maintain Spouse and Children during Marriage. Malaya Law Review 29, 24, pp.62, last paragraph.
[10] Tan Cheng Han. Chapter 18: Maintenance of wives and children. Families in conflict: Theory and applications in education and counselling (Butterworth Asia, 2000, ISBN: 9812361111), pp.351, para.2
[11] Palvit Singh v Sawaran Kaur [1990] 1 MLJ lvii.
[12] Ibid.
[13] Unreported [2003] SGDC 99. Or see Elements of Family Law in Singapore (2nd Ed, LexisNexis,2013) Chapter 13: Maintenance of wife during subsistence of marriage. pp.487, Para. 3-6.
[15] Ibid, Para 114.
[16] Pedestrians with right of way 'must still share responsibility. Straits Times, Mar 19, 2016. See: http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/courts-crime/pedestrians-with-right-of-way-must-still-share-responsibility
[17] Asnah bte Ab Rahman v Li Jianlin [2016] SGCA 16, Para 125.
[18] Ibid, Para 23.
[19] Ibid, Para 25.
[20] Ibid, Para 26 and Note 1.
[21] Ibid, Para 26.
[22] Ibid, Para 37.
[23] Ibid, Para 127 (c).
[24] Para 51.
[25] Ibid, Para 49-52.
[26] Supra, note 15.
[27] Ibid, para 12.
[28] Ibid, Para 114.
[29] Ibid.
[30] Spence v. Southern Pine Elec. Co-Op. 643 So. 2d 970 (1994). See: https://law.justia.com/cases/alabama/supreme-court/1994/1920844-1.html. Or Comparative/Contributory negligence and Joint and several liability. by American Bar Association 2009, pp.1. para 3. See: http://www.axilonlaw.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/04/50_State_Compendium_-Final_reduced_size.pdf
[31] Yan Jun v Attorney-General [2014] SGCA 60, Para 36, citing Lord Denning in Letang v Cooper [1965] 1 QB 232 at 240-241. See: http://www.singaporelaw.sg/sglaw/laws-of-singapore/case-law/free-law/court-of-appeal-judgments/15807-yan-jun-v-attorney-general-2014-sgca-60
[32] Supra note 30.
[33] Asnah bte Ab Rahman v Li Jianlin [2016] SGCA 16, Para 116.
[34] Ibid, Para 150.
[35] Ibid, Para 157.
[36] Prison officer fined S$10k for causing inmate’s death. Today, Jul 22, 2013. See: http://www.todayonline.com/singapore/prison-officer-fined-s10k-causing-inmates-death     

2018年1月14日星期日

A possible case of sedition_Letter to AGC


See here for the attached file


From: Yan Jun
Sent: Sunday, 14 January, 2018 04:19
To: 'AGC (AGC@agc.gov.sg)' <AGC@agc.gov.sg>
Cc: 'SPF Feedback Shared (SPF) (SPF_Feedback_Shared@spf.gov.sg) ' <SPF_Feedback_Shared@spf.gov.sg>; 'Lim Hock (limhock1@yahoo.com)' <limhock1@yahoo.com>
Subject: A possible case of sedition (FB20180114/0004)

Dear AGC,

1.      I would like to draw your attention to a possible case of sedition.

Police report
2.      I have already made a police report with reference number FB20180114/0004 against Lim Hock whose email address was limhock1@yahoo.com on his seditious words. In his email, he suggested that I “collaborate and team up with anti-government people”. He also claimed that “Chee Soon Juan also likes to protest. Why not team up with him?” For details, please see the attached file or the message below.

My decision
3.      I am going to report this case to the international community because seditious tendency can interfere with the purpose of my protests, or to expose to the public the corruption in the judiciary and the PAP government. As stated in my police report, I have no intention of undermining the administration of the PAP government.

4.      I also copy this email to limhock1@yahoo.com and I hope this Lim Hock can assist the police with their investigation.

5.      Thank you.

Regards,

Yan Jun
(NRIC: S7684361I)

***********
Feedback/Enquiry
Category: Others
Subject: A possible case of sedition

I would like to report a possible case of sedition to the police.

In July and November last year, I protested at Raffle Place against judicial corruption and requested PM Lee Hsien Loong to resign over the Terrex conspiracy.

On Jan 13, 2018 at 00:31am, I received an email from a Lim Hock whose email address was limhock1@yahoo.com. (See attached file)

In this email, Lim Hock suggested that I “collaborate and team up with anti-government people”. He also suggested that I “bring some people along” during my protest “to ensue your rights are not violated”. Most importantly, Lim Hock claimed that “Chee Soon Juan also likes to protest. Why not team up with him?”

In my reply, I made it clear that I most likely would team up with others to continue with my protest against corruption.


It is evident that this Lim Hock has persuaded me to undermine the administration of the PAP government. So now I report Lim Hock to the police for investigations into a possible case of sedition.

2018年1月9日星期二

The Appellant's case for Magistrate's Appeal No.9374/2017/01


See here for the PDF version of this document


IN THE HIGH COURT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SINGAPORE

MA No. : 9327/2017/01







Between 

YAN JUN (...Appellant)
(NRIC No.: S7684361I)

And

PUBLIC PROSECUTOR (...Respondent


THE APPELLANT'S CASE

           
1.     This is the Appellant’s skeletal submission in support of his appeal against the conviction and sentence passed by the district judge on one charge under 16(2)(a) of the Public Order Act (Cap 257A, 2012 Rev Ed) for taking part in a public assembly without a permit.

2.     Upon conviction, the district judge imposed a maximum fine of $5,000 on the Appellant and meted out a sentence of 50 days’ imprisonment in default of the fine. After taking into account the 13 days during which the Appellant was remanded in Changi Prison, the district judge sentenced the Appellant to 37 days’ imprisonment in default of the fine of $5,000.

3.     Now the Appellant requests the High Court to quash his conviction under section 79 of Penal Code (Cap 224, 2008 Rev. Ed.), or “Nothing is an offence which is done by any person who is justified by law, or who by reason of a mistake of fact and not by reason of a mistake of law in good faith believes himself to be justified by law, in doing it.”

4.     The law here refers to Article 12 and 14 of the Constitution of Singapore, or equal protection clause and free speech clause, because these clauses guarantee that each Singapore citizen has the right to justice. In addition, a citizen’s right to justice is based on the government’s commitment to the rule of law so the right to justice is an absolute right. In the present case, the conviction of the Appellant for unlawful assembly is an apparent miscarriage of justice.

5.     In accordance with Article 12 and 14 of the Constitution, the police should have charged the Appellant with contempt of court and defamation if his allegations of judicial corruption and the Terrex conspiracy were false. The Appellant was not in a position to apply for a permit because of police corruption, or the fact that police maliciously rejected the Appellant’s application. Judicial review is not the correct legal recourse for an applicant to seek after his application for a permit is maliciously rejected by the police. While mistakes made by licensing officers who wrongfully exercise their discretionary power can be corrected by boosting their competence, the court has no power to ensure licensing officer’s integrity so judicial review is unable to help the court fulfil its duty to declare invalid exercise of discretionary power by the licensing officer.  

Introduction
6.     The present case deals with the Appellant’s protest on Nov 23, 2017 at 12 noon at Raffles Place MRT station, or his 7th protest against judicial corruption in Singapore and his 3rd protest against PM Lee Hsien Loong for having knowingly and voluntarily joined the Terrex conspiracy. The details of the Appellant’s previous 6 protests were reported in the judgements of Public Prosecutor v. Yan Jun MAC-903277-78 of 2016 and Public Prosecutor v. Yan Jun [2017] SGMC 50. In this submission, the Appellant only highlights the prohibition order issued by police Inspector Eddie Thia on Mar 1, 2016, to prove the corruption on the part of the licensing officer.

7.     On Feb 25, 2016, the Appellant applied for a permit for his protest outside the Istana. The police, represented by Inspector Eddie Thia, rejected the Appellant’s application (PP/20160225/003/G) on Feb 29 on the ground that “the Istana is a prohibited area under the Public Order (Prohibited Areas) Order 2009”. In response to the Appellant’s contention that the protest was outside the Istana so the prohibited area consideration was not applicable, Eddie Thia replied by email on Mar 1 that “staging a protest outside Istana or any other public places is an offence under the Public Order Act[1]. It was self-evident that the police, represented by Inspector Eddie Thia, prohibited the Appellant from holding protests in public places against judicial corruption.

8.     Eddie Thia didn’t respond to Appellant’s 4 other contentions. The 1st contention was a news report that the police did not treat the Istana as a prohibited area when they arrested two persons for organizing public assembly without permit outside (or at the front gate of) the Istana on Apr 4, 2015[2]. The 2nd contention was that police didn’t specify the exact public interest matters that they intended to protect when considering the Appellant’s application. The 3rd contention was that police declined to specify the boundary of Istana as a prohibited area for demonstrations. The 4th contention was the fact that the police didn’t adhere to the warning issued by the Mavis Chionh of the AGC on Nov 30, 2015 and declined to bring contempt proceedings against the Appellant.  

The Appellant’s position
9.     The Appellant’s main defence was that he was not in a position to apply for a permit for his November protest because of police corruption. The police corruption is clearly shown in Eddie Thia’s decision to maliciously reject the Appellant’s application and to unconstitutionally prohibit the Appellant from protesting in public. In addition, there is a large body of evidence to show that Singapore’s legal system is corrupt.    

The Defendant’s position
10.  The Respondent argued that the Appellant’s November protest had satisfied three elements of taking part in a unlawful assembly, viz., (i) the Appellant carried out a demonstration by himself against the actions of a person, and group of persons; (ii) the Appellant demonstrated in a place to which members of the public have access as of right; (iii) no permit was issued for the public assembly that the Appellant took part in.
11.  For three reasons, the Respondent refuted the Appellant’s defence. First, the Respondent claimed that Eddie Thia’s email dated March 1, 2016 didn’t contain any prohibition order so the email shouldn’t be cited as evidence for police corruption. Second, by citing Yap Keng Ho and others v. PP [2011] 3 SLR 32, the Respondent explained that wrongful exercise of discretion by the police in considering applications for permits could not serve as a defence against a charge of unlawful assembly. In addition, the Respondent highlighted that the Appellant didn’t apply for a permit at all for his November protest.

12.  Third, the Respondent argued that the inconsistency between the warning issued by the Mavis Chionh and the AGC’s standing policy not to charge the Appellant with contempt of court cannot be used as evidence of corruption on the part of the AGC because this inconsistency was irrelevant to the November protest. Fourth, the Respondent insisted that the Appellant “wishes to use the courtroom as the platform for further airing his personal agenda”, which justifies the AGC standing policy not to charge the Appellant with contempt of court and defamation.

The District Judge’s position
13.  The district judge generally agreed with the Respondent’s arguments. The district judge deliberately changed the Appellant’s defence from police corruption to police long-standing policy not to grant permits for all outdoor demonstrations. In the judge’s own words, the Appellant’s defence was not police corruption but that “he knew he was not going to get a police permit for his intended protest, as he alleged that he was under a prohibition order by the police from holding a protest”.

14.  The district judge neither determined the truth or falsity of the Appellant’s corruption allegations nor touched on the prohibition order at issue. Unexpectedly, the district judge was of opinion that the Appellant had “behavioral problems” and advised the Appellant to “seek treatment for his behavioral problem in order for him to stay out of trouble with the law and for some normalcy to return to his life”, without explaining how the identification of an accused person’s behavioral problems is within the experience and knowledge of a judge.

15.  With regard to the Terrex conspiracy, the district judge expressly stated that it was an “illusion of some grand conspiracy theory”.

2 issues before the Court
16.  Two questions must be answered to determine whether s79 of the penal code is applicable to the present case. (i) Are the police corrupt in considering Applicant’s application for a permit so the Appellant is not in a position to apply for a permit? (ii) Is judicial review the proper legal recourse for an applicant to seek after his application for a protest permit is maliciously rejected by the police?

Issue 1: Are the police corrupt in considering Applicant’s application for a permit?
17.  To answer this question, the court must determine whether Eddie Thia had maliciously rejected the Appellant’s application.

18.  The court’s position on a citizen’s right to freedom of expression is clearly stated in  Chee Siok Chin[3]. V K Rajah J (as he then was) disagreed that the protestor had rights which the police could not disrupt and explained that the overemphasis of the right to free speech was the antithesis of the rule of law.  
[2] “the overarching issue is what the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (1999 Rev Ed) (“the Constitution”) considers “necessary or expedient” so as to strike a balance between the exercise of certain individual rights on the one hand and the perceived wider public interest on the other hand”.
[52] The tension between the individual’s right to speak and/or to assemble freely and the competing interests of security and/or public order calls into play a delicate balancing exercise involving several imponderables and factors such as societal values, pluralism, prevailing social and economic considerations as well as the common good of the community…. [P]ermitting unfettered individual rights in a process that is value-neutral is not the rule of law. Indeed, that form of governance could be described as the antithesis of the rule of law – a society premised on individualism and self-interest.

19.  This conclusion is flawed for two reasons. First, the court unfairly treated a citizen’s interest in the freedom of expression as a private interest in accordance with one’s personal wishes. In fact, a citizen’s interest in the freedom of expression is a public interest as well and this fundamental right is one of basic means through which the general public can supervise the operation of government. In contrast to the court’s opinion, the form of governance in which public order is maintained at the expense of justice could be only be described as the antithesis of the rule of law - a society premised on authoritarianism. Second, the court exaggerated the value of the public order. It is self-evident that a government’s primary duty is to do justice so public order must be maintained in accordance with the law but not at the expense of justice.

20.  In 2008, Law Minister K Shanmugam stated in Parliament that “The Government is absolutely committed to upholding the presumption of innocence, as a core principle in our commitment to the Rule of Law. There is no intention to question or qualify that principle in any way[4]. It is evident that restrictions on the right to freedom of expression are not absolute and must be imposed in accordance with Singapore’s commitment to the rule of law.

21.  In other words, an individual’s right to protest against the judicial corruption, or his right to justice, cannot be restricted by Public Order Act if protest is his last resort to get justice. When considering an application for a permit to hold a protest against judicial corruption, licensing officers have only two options. One option is to approve the application; and the other option is to reject the application and to charge the applicant for contempt of court. In the present case, Eddie Thia ought to charge the Appellant with contempt of court for posting a YouTube video “judicial corruption in Singapore”. Unexpectedly, Eddie Thia persistently refused to do so.

22.  Eddie Thai’s response cannot be explained by reason of “incompetence, inexperience, poor judgment, lack of professionalism, laziness, reckless, honest mistake, negligence, or even gross negligence” in Miazga v Kello Estate [2009] 3 S.C.R. 339 at para 80[5]. His response can only be explained by reason of malice referred to in Pinsky v. Duncan [1996] 79 F.3d 30678 at para 45 that “malice may be shown by proving that the prosecution complained of was undertaken from improper or wrongful motives, or in reckless disregard of the rights of the plaintiff[6]. The motive behind his rejection was to halt the spread of the judicial corruption scandal. Eddie Thia showed a total disregard of the Appellant’s rights provided in Article 12 and 14 of the Constitution.

23.  Now I have conclusively proved that Inspector Eddie Thia, who represented the police, bore malice towards the Appellant and prohibited the Appellant from holding public protests in order to halt the spread of judicial corruption scandal. It is evident that police are persistently corrupt in considering Appellant’s application so the Appellant is not in a position to apply for a permit in any way. The other evidence concerning the corruption on the part of Singapore’s legal system is as follows:
(a)   With regard to the protest held outside the US embassy, the police failed to justify the unconditional release of the Appellant on Oct 21, 2016. While the Prosecution explained that the decision was made on the basis of a February 2017 IMH report[7], this explanation doesn’t make sense because this February report was not available on Oct 21, 2016.
(b)   With regard to the protest held on Jul 3, 2017, both the police and the AGC failed to justify the unconditional release of the Appellant’s after the protest.
(c)   With regard to the protest held on Nov 23, 2017, the police failed to explain why they arrested the Appellant immediately after the start of the protest but allowed the Appellant to use the central square as a forum to “air his personal agenda” for 20 minutes or so during his July protest.  

 Issue 2: Is judicial review the proper legal recourse for an applicant to seek after his application for a protest permit is maliciously rejected by the police?

24.  Jasvender Kaur J pointed out in PP v Yan Jun MAC 903277-78 of 2016 at para 36 that:  
The High Court has in a number of decisions made it clear that arguments such as an application for a licence or permit was wrongly rejected or that the authorities would not have granted a licence or permit do not provide a defence. If a person were to apply for a licence or permit and this was rejected, the recourse for persons unsatisfied with such exercise of discretionary administrative powers is judicial review.

25.  In Jeyaretnam Joshua Benjamin v PP and another appeal [1989] 2 SLR(R) 419, Chan Sek Keong J (as he then was) held that:
The soundness of the first appellant's submission may be tested by assuming that the licensing officer wrongfully refused the licence. What were his legal rights? The court would have quashed the decision if the appellants had commenced proceedings for judicial review. The licensing officer would then have to consider the application afresh. If he refused, the court would have the power to direct him to do so. But, the court would not have been able to grant a licence to the first appellant or direct the licensing officer to do so, as the power of court is exercisable by way of supervisory jurisdiction in these matters. Therefore, the invalidity of the decision of the licensing officer would result in nothing more than the appellants' status quo ante the application. They would still have had no licence when they provided the public entertainment. The law was that no public entertainment might be provided without a licence under the Act and except in accordance with the terms of the licence. The law was not that public entertainment might be provided subject to such restrictions as might be imposed under the Act. It must follow that the answers of the licensing officer, whatever they might have been, could not have provided any defence to the Appellants on the charges against them.

26.  In line with this view, Woo Bih Li J held in Yap Keng Ho and others v PP [2011] 3 SLR 32 [8] at para 14 that:
Even if the rejection of the SDP's application for a permit to hold the protest rally and the policy prohibiting outdoor political activities were unconstitutional in the present case, neither the District Court nor this court would be able to grant the appellants a permit. All that the District Court and this court could/can do would be to direct the licensing officer to consider the application afresh. The District Judge was therefore correct to refuse the appellants' line of questions at trial relating to the constitutionality of the rejection of the SDP's application for a permit to hold the rally since the constitutionality or otherwise of this decision was irrelevant to the issue of whether the appellants ought to have been convicted for having participated in an assembly and a procession without a valid permit.

27.  These judgements are correct as long as the wrongful rejection of applications is caused by the lack of professional competence but not questionable integrity on the part of the license officer. While Chan Sek Keng J explained that the court had power to direct the licensing officer to consider the application afresh, the outcome of the application would always be the same because the court has no power to ensure the integrity of the licensing officer. In a situation when the licensing officer maliciously denies a citizen his right to justice, which is guaranteed by Article 12 and 14 of the Constitution, the court must declare that the protest at issue lawful so the licensing officer’s malicious exercise of discretion can be permanently corrected before the integrity of the license officer restored. This way the provisions of the Constitution are observed. [emphasis added]

28.  In Chan Hiang Leng Colin v. Public Prosecutor [1994] SGHC 207[9] at para 50, the High Court affirmed that the court has responsibility to declare void administrative actions and decisions which violate the Constitution:
[50] The court has the power and duty to ensure that the provisions of the Constitution are observed. The court also has a duty to declare invalid any exercise of power, legislative and executive, which exceeds the limits of the power conferred by the Constitution, or which contravenes any prohibition which the Constitution provides.

29.  If the court refuses to declare the protest at issue lawful, the court would put the police above the law. This stance is against the well-established principle that no one is above the law. Chan CJ (as he then was) explained in Law Society of Singapore v Tan Guat Neo Phyllis [2008] 2 SLR 23983 at para 130 that
[130] Under the law, the Attorney-General must act according to law, as his prosecutorial power is not unfettered. …First, he may not use his prosecutorial power in bad faith for an extraneous purpose. Second, he may not use it so as to contravene constitutional rights, such as the right to equality before the law and the equal protection of the law”.

30.  Now it is safe for the Appellant to conclude that the judicial review is not a proper legal recourse for the Appellant to take after Eddie Thia maliciously rejected his application for a permit. As a result, the appellant’s November protest is justifiable by Article 12 and 14 of the Constitution.   

Conclusion
31.  The Appellant request the court to quash his conviction for unlawful assembly and to grant a judgement of acquittal.

32.  On appeal, the Appellant still stands by his criticisms of Singapore’s legal system and the PAP government. The Appellant is going to write to international community in February 2018. In Appellant’s opinion, the legal officer who came up with the idea of the Terrex conspiracy is Justice Chao Hick Tin, the only legal officer in Singapore who has knowledge and experience to persuade the head of government into organizing an international conspiracy to violate the sovereignty of a nation state.


Yan Jun
(Appellant in person)


Filed on the 8th of January 2018



[2] Duo arrested for organising public assembly without permit outside Istana, Channel NewsAsia, 4 April 2015,
[4] Oral answer by Law Minister K Shanmugam to Parliamentary Question on acquittal & presumption of
[7] explained in their submissions for the Magistrate Appeal No. 9528/2017/02 that “Relying on the February 2017 IMH report, which was the latest IMH report available to it at the time, the Prosecution had reason to believe that the Appellant might have been of unsound mind. The Prosecution therefore initially refrained from bringing charges against the Appellant for the protests held on 20 October and 23 December 2016.”