2018年1月14日星期日

A possible case of sedition_Letter to AGC


See here for the attached file


From: Yan Jun
Sent: Sunday, 14 January, 2018 04:19
To: 'AGC (AGC@agc.gov.sg)' <AGC@agc.gov.sg>
Cc: 'SPF Feedback Shared (SPF) (SPF_Feedback_Shared@spf.gov.sg) ' <SPF_Feedback_Shared@spf.gov.sg>; 'Lim Hock (limhock1@yahoo.com)' <limhock1@yahoo.com>
Subject: A possible case of sedition (FB20180114/0004)

Dear AGC,

1.      I would like to draw your attention to a possible case of sedition.

Police report
2.      I have already made a police report with reference number FB20180114/0004 against Lim Hock whose email address was limhock1@yahoo.com on his seditious words. In his email, he suggested that I “collaborate and team up with anti-government people”. He also claimed that “Chee Soon Juan also likes to protest. Why not team up with him?” For details, please see the attached file or the message below.

My decision
3.      I am going to report this case to the international community because seditious tendency can interfere with the purpose of my protests, or to expose to the public the corruption in the judiciary and the PAP government. As stated in my police report, I have no intention of undermining the administration of the PAP government.

4.      I also copy this email to limhock1@yahoo.com and I hope this Lim Hock can assist the police with their investigation.

5.      Thank you.

Regards,

Yan Jun
(NRIC: S7684361I)

***********
Feedback/Enquiry
Category: Others
Subject: A possible case of sedition

I would like to report a possible case of sedition to the police.

In July and November last year, I protested at Raffle Place against judicial corruption and requested PM Lee Hsien Loong to resign over the Terrex conspiracy.

On Jan 13, 2018 at 00:31am, I received an email from a Lim Hock whose email address was limhock1@yahoo.com. (See attached file)

In this email, Lim Hock suggested that I “collaborate and team up with anti-government people”. He also suggested that I “bring some people along” during my protest “to ensue your rights are not violated”. Most importantly, Lim Hock claimed that “Chee Soon Juan also likes to protest. Why not team up with him?”

In my reply, I made it clear that I most likely would team up with others to continue with my protest against corruption.


It is evident that this Lim Hock has persuaded me to undermine the administration of the PAP government. So now I report Lim Hock to the police for investigations into a possible case of sedition.

2018年1月9日星期二

The Appellant's case for Magistrate's Appeal No.9374/2017/01


See here for the PDF version of this document


IN THE HIGH COURT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SINGAPORE

MA No. : 9327/2017/01







Between 

YAN JUN (...Appellant)
(NRIC No.: S7684361I)

And

PUBLIC PROSECUTOR (...Respondent


THE APPELLANT'S CASE

           
1.     This is the Appellant’s skeletal submission in support of his appeal against the conviction and sentence passed by the district judge on one charge under 16(2)(a) of the Public Order Act (Cap 257A, 2012 Rev Ed) for taking part in a public assembly without a permit.

2.     Upon conviction, the district judge imposed a maximum fine of $5,000 on the Appellant and meted out a sentence of 50 days’ imprisonment in default of the fine. After taking into account the 13 days during which the Appellant was remanded in Changi Prison, the district judge sentenced the Appellant to 37 days’ imprisonment in default of the fine of $5,000.

3.     Now the Appellant requests the High Court to quash his conviction under section 79 of Penal Code (Cap 224, 2008 Rev. Ed.), or “Nothing is an offence which is done by any person who is justified by law, or who by reason of a mistake of fact and not by reason of a mistake of law in good faith believes himself to be justified by law, in doing it.”

4.     The law here refers to Article 12 and 14 of the Constitution of Singapore, or equal protection clause and free speech clause, because these clauses guarantee that each Singapore citizen has the right to justice. In addition, a citizen’s right to justice is based on the government’s commitment to the rule of law so the right to justice is an absolute right. In the present case, the conviction of the Appellant for unlawful assembly is an apparent miscarriage of justice.

5.     In accordance with Article 12 and 14 of the Constitution, the police should have charged the Appellant with contempt of court and defamation if his allegations of judicial corruption and the Terrex conspiracy were false. The Appellant was not in a position to apply for a permit because of police corruption, or the fact that police maliciously rejected the Appellant’s application. Judicial review is not the correct legal recourse for an applicant to seek after his application for a permit is maliciously rejected by the police. While mistakes made by licensing officers who wrongfully exercise their discretionary power can be corrected by boosting their competence, the court has no power to ensure licensing officer’s integrity so judicial review is unable to help the court fulfil its duty to declare invalid exercise of discretionary power by the licensing officer.  

Introduction
6.     The present case deals with the Appellant’s protest on Nov 23, 2017 at 12 noon at Raffles Place MRT station, or his 7th protest against judicial corruption in Singapore and his 3rd protest against PM Lee Hsien Loong for having knowingly and voluntarily joined the Terrex conspiracy. The details of the Appellant’s previous 6 protests were reported in the judgements of Public Prosecutor v. Yan Jun MAC-903277-78 of 2016 and Public Prosecutor v. Yan Jun [2017] SGMC 50. In this submission, the Appellant only highlights the prohibition order issued by police Inspector Eddie Thia on Mar 1, 2016, to prove the corruption on the part of the licensing officer.

7.     On Feb 25, 2016, the Appellant applied for a permit for his protest outside the Istana. The police, represented by Inspector Eddie Thia, rejected the Appellant’s application (PP/20160225/003/G) on Feb 29 on the ground that “the Istana is a prohibited area under the Public Order (Prohibited Areas) Order 2009”. In response to the Appellant’s contention that the protest was outside the Istana so the prohibited area consideration was not applicable, Eddie Thia replied by email on Mar 1 that “staging a protest outside Istana or any other public places is an offence under the Public Order Act[1]. It was self-evident that the police, represented by Inspector Eddie Thia, prohibited the Appellant from holding protests in public places against judicial corruption.

8.     Eddie Thia didn’t respond to Appellant’s 4 other contentions. The 1st contention was a news report that the police did not treat the Istana as a prohibited area when they arrested two persons for organizing public assembly without permit outside (or at the front gate of) the Istana on Apr 4, 2015[2]. The 2nd contention was that police didn’t specify the exact public interest matters that they intended to protect when considering the Appellant’s application. The 3rd contention was that police declined to specify the boundary of Istana as a prohibited area for demonstrations. The 4th contention was the fact that the police didn’t adhere to the warning issued by the Mavis Chionh of the AGC on Nov 30, 2015 and declined to bring contempt proceedings against the Appellant.  

The Appellant’s position
9.     The Appellant’s main defence was that he was not in a position to apply for a permit for his November protest because of police corruption. The police corruption is clearly shown in Eddie Thia’s decision to maliciously reject the Appellant’s application and to unconstitutionally prohibit the Appellant from protesting in public. In addition, there is a large body of evidence to show that Singapore’s legal system is corrupt.    

The Defendant’s position
10.  The Respondent argued that the Appellant’s November protest had satisfied three elements of taking part in a unlawful assembly, viz., (i) the Appellant carried out a demonstration by himself against the actions of a person, and group of persons; (ii) the Appellant demonstrated in a place to which members of the public have access as of right; (iii) no permit was issued for the public assembly that the Appellant took part in.
11.  For three reasons, the Respondent refuted the Appellant’s defence. First, the Respondent claimed that Eddie Thia’s email dated March 1, 2016 didn’t contain any prohibition order so the email shouldn’t be cited as evidence for police corruption. Second, by citing Yap Keng Ho and others v. PP [2011] 3 SLR 32, the Respondent explained that wrongful exercise of discretion by the police in considering applications for permits could not serve as a defence against a charge of unlawful assembly. In addition, the Respondent highlighted that the Appellant didn’t apply for a permit at all for his November protest.

12.  Third, the Respondent argued that the inconsistency between the warning issued by the Mavis Chionh and the AGC’s standing policy not to charge the Appellant with contempt of court cannot be used as evidence of corruption on the part of the AGC because this inconsistency was irrelevant to the November protest. Fourth, the Respondent insisted that the Appellant “wishes to use the courtroom as the platform for further airing his personal agenda”, which justifies the AGC standing policy not to charge the Appellant with contempt of court and defamation.

The District Judge’s position
13.  The district judge generally agreed with the Respondent’s arguments. The district judge deliberately changed the Appellant’s defence from police corruption to police long-standing policy not to grant permits for all outdoor demonstrations. In the judge’s own words, the Appellant’s defence was not police corruption but that “he knew he was not going to get a police permit for his intended protest, as he alleged that he was under a prohibition order by the police from holding a protest”.

14.  The district judge neither determined the truth or falsity of the Appellant’s corruption allegations nor touched on the prohibition order at issue. Unexpectedly, the district judge was of opinion that the Appellant had “behavioral problems” and advised the Appellant to “seek treatment for his behavioral problem in order for him to stay out of trouble with the law and for some normalcy to return to his life”, without explaining how the identification of an accused person’s behavioral problems is within the experience and knowledge of a judge.

15.  With regard to the Terrex conspiracy, the district judge expressly stated that it was an “illusion of some grand conspiracy theory”.

2 issues before the Court
16.  Two questions must be answered to determine whether s79 of the penal code is applicable to the present case. (i) Are the police corrupt in considering Applicant’s application for a permit so the Appellant is not in a position to apply for a permit? (ii) Is judicial review the proper legal recourse for an applicant to seek after his application for a protest permit is maliciously rejected by the police?

Issue 1: Are the police corrupt in considering Applicant’s application for a permit?
17.  To answer this question, the court must determine whether Eddie Thia had maliciously rejected the Appellant’s application.

18.  The court’s position on a citizen’s right to freedom of expression is clearly stated in  Chee Siok Chin[3]. V K Rajah J (as he then was) disagreed that the protestor had rights which the police could not disrupt and explained that the overemphasis of the right to free speech was the antithesis of the rule of law.  
[2] “the overarching issue is what the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore (1999 Rev Ed) (“the Constitution”) considers “necessary or expedient” so as to strike a balance between the exercise of certain individual rights on the one hand and the perceived wider public interest on the other hand”.
[52] The tension between the individual’s right to speak and/or to assemble freely and the competing interests of security and/or public order calls into play a delicate balancing exercise involving several imponderables and factors such as societal values, pluralism, prevailing social and economic considerations as well as the common good of the community…. [P]ermitting unfettered individual rights in a process that is value-neutral is not the rule of law. Indeed, that form of governance could be described as the antithesis of the rule of law – a society premised on individualism and self-interest.

19.  This conclusion is flawed for two reasons. First, the court unfairly treated a citizen’s interest in the freedom of expression as a private interest in accordance with one’s personal wishes. In fact, a citizen’s interest in the freedom of expression is a public interest as well and this fundamental right is one of basic means through which the general public can supervise the operation of government. In contrast to the court’s opinion, the form of governance in which public order is maintained at the expense of justice could be only be described as the antithesis of the rule of law - a society premised on authoritarianism. Second, the court exaggerated the value of the public order. It is self-evident that a government’s primary duty is to do justice so public order must be maintained in accordance with the law but not at the expense of justice.

20.  In 2008, Law Minister K Shanmugam stated in Parliament that “The Government is absolutely committed to upholding the presumption of innocence, as a core principle in our commitment to the Rule of Law. There is no intention to question or qualify that principle in any way[4]. It is evident that restrictions on the right to freedom of expression are not absolute and must be imposed in accordance with Singapore’s commitment to the rule of law.

21.  In other words, an individual’s right to protest against the judicial corruption, or his right to justice, cannot be restricted by Public Order Act if protest is his last resort to get justice. When considering an application for a permit to hold a protest against judicial corruption, licensing officers have only two options. One option is to approve the application; and the other option is to reject the application and to charge the applicant for contempt of court. In the present case, Eddie Thia ought to charge the Appellant with contempt of court for posting a YouTube video “judicial corruption in Singapore”. Unexpectedly, Eddie Thia persistently refused to do so.

22.  Eddie Thai’s response cannot be explained by reason of “incompetence, inexperience, poor judgment, lack of professionalism, laziness, reckless, honest mistake, negligence, or even gross negligence” in Miazga v Kello Estate [2009] 3 S.C.R. 339 at para 80[5]. His response can only be explained by reason of malice referred to in Pinsky v. Duncan [1996] 79 F.3d 30678 at para 45 that “malice may be shown by proving that the prosecution complained of was undertaken from improper or wrongful motives, or in reckless disregard of the rights of the plaintiff[6]. The motive behind his rejection was to halt the spread of the judicial corruption scandal. Eddie Thia showed a total disregard of the Appellant’s rights provided in Article 12 and 14 of the Constitution.

23.  Now I have conclusively proved that Inspector Eddie Thia, who represented the police, bore malice towards the Appellant and prohibited the Appellant from holding public protests in order to halt the spread of judicial corruption scandal. It is evident that police are persistently corrupt in considering Appellant’s application so the Appellant is not in a position to apply for a permit in any way. The other evidence concerning the corruption on the part of Singapore’s legal system is as follows:
(a)   With regard to the protest held outside the US embassy, the police failed to justify the unconditional release of the Appellant on Oct 21, 2016. While the Prosecution explained that the decision was made on the basis of a February 2017 IMH report[7], this explanation doesn’t make sense because this February report was not available on Oct 21, 2016.
(b)   With regard to the protest held on Jul 3, 2017, both the police and the AGC failed to justify the unconditional release of the Appellant’s after the protest.
(c)   With regard to the protest held on Nov 23, 2017, the police failed to explain why they arrested the Appellant immediately after the start of the protest but allowed the Appellant to use the central square as a forum to “air his personal agenda” for 20 minutes or so during his July protest.  

 Issue 2: Is judicial review the proper legal recourse for an applicant to seek after his application for a protest permit is maliciously rejected by the police?

24.  Jasvender Kaur J pointed out in PP v Yan Jun MAC 903277-78 of 2016 at para 36 that:  
The High Court has in a number of decisions made it clear that arguments such as an application for a licence or permit was wrongly rejected or that the authorities would not have granted a licence or permit do not provide a defence. If a person were to apply for a licence or permit and this was rejected, the recourse for persons unsatisfied with such exercise of discretionary administrative powers is judicial review.

25.  In Jeyaretnam Joshua Benjamin v PP and another appeal [1989] 2 SLR(R) 419, Chan Sek Keong J (as he then was) held that:
The soundness of the first appellant's submission may be tested by assuming that the licensing officer wrongfully refused the licence. What were his legal rights? The court would have quashed the decision if the appellants had commenced proceedings for judicial review. The licensing officer would then have to consider the application afresh. If he refused, the court would have the power to direct him to do so. But, the court would not have been able to grant a licence to the first appellant or direct the licensing officer to do so, as the power of court is exercisable by way of supervisory jurisdiction in these matters. Therefore, the invalidity of the decision of the licensing officer would result in nothing more than the appellants' status quo ante the application. They would still have had no licence when they provided the public entertainment. The law was that no public entertainment might be provided without a licence under the Act and except in accordance with the terms of the licence. The law was not that public entertainment might be provided subject to such restrictions as might be imposed under the Act. It must follow that the answers of the licensing officer, whatever they might have been, could not have provided any defence to the Appellants on the charges against them.

26.  In line with this view, Woo Bih Li J held in Yap Keng Ho and others v PP [2011] 3 SLR 32 [8] at para 14 that:
Even if the rejection of the SDP's application for a permit to hold the protest rally and the policy prohibiting outdoor political activities were unconstitutional in the present case, neither the District Court nor this court would be able to grant the appellants a permit. All that the District Court and this court could/can do would be to direct the licensing officer to consider the application afresh. The District Judge was therefore correct to refuse the appellants' line of questions at trial relating to the constitutionality of the rejection of the SDP's application for a permit to hold the rally since the constitutionality or otherwise of this decision was irrelevant to the issue of whether the appellants ought to have been convicted for having participated in an assembly and a procession without a valid permit.

27.  These judgements are correct as long as the wrongful rejection of applications is caused by the lack of professional competence but not questionable integrity on the part of the license officer. While Chan Sek Keng J explained that the court had power to direct the licensing officer to consider the application afresh, the outcome of the application would always be the same because the court has no power to ensure the integrity of the licensing officer. In a situation when the licensing officer maliciously denies a citizen his right to justice, which is guaranteed by Article 12 and 14 of the Constitution, the court must declare that the protest at issue lawful so the licensing officer’s malicious exercise of discretion can be permanently corrected before the integrity of the license officer restored. This way the provisions of the Constitution are observed. [emphasis added]

28.  In Chan Hiang Leng Colin v. Public Prosecutor [1994] SGHC 207[9] at para 50, the High Court affirmed that the court has responsibility to declare void administrative actions and decisions which violate the Constitution:
[50] The court has the power and duty to ensure that the provisions of the Constitution are observed. The court also has a duty to declare invalid any exercise of power, legislative and executive, which exceeds the limits of the power conferred by the Constitution, or which contravenes any prohibition which the Constitution provides.

29.  If the court refuses to declare the protest at issue lawful, the court would put the police above the law. This stance is against the well-established principle that no one is above the law. Chan CJ (as he then was) explained in Law Society of Singapore v Tan Guat Neo Phyllis [2008] 2 SLR 23983 at para 130 that
[130] Under the law, the Attorney-General must act according to law, as his prosecutorial power is not unfettered. …First, he may not use his prosecutorial power in bad faith for an extraneous purpose. Second, he may not use it so as to contravene constitutional rights, such as the right to equality before the law and the equal protection of the law”.

30.  Now it is safe for the Appellant to conclude that the judicial review is not a proper legal recourse for the Appellant to take after Eddie Thia maliciously rejected his application for a permit. As a result, the appellant’s November protest is justifiable by Article 12 and 14 of the Constitution.   

Conclusion
31.  The Appellant request the court to quash his conviction for unlawful assembly and to grant a judgement of acquittal.

32.  On appeal, the Appellant still stands by his criticisms of Singapore’s legal system and the PAP government. The Appellant is going to write to international community in February 2018. In Appellant’s opinion, the legal officer who came up with the idea of the Terrex conspiracy is Justice Chao Hick Tin, the only legal officer in Singapore who has knowledge and experience to persuade the head of government into organizing an international conspiracy to violate the sovereignty of a nation state.


Yan Jun
(Appellant in person)


Filed on the 8th of January 2018



[2] Duo arrested for organising public assembly without permit outside Istana, Channel NewsAsia, 4 April 2015,
[4] Oral answer by Law Minister K Shanmugam to Parliamentary Question on acquittal & presumption of
[7] explained in their submissions for the Magistrate Appeal No. 9528/2017/02 that “Relying on the February 2017 IMH report, which was the latest IMH report available to it at the time, the Prosecution had reason to believe that the Appellant might have been of unsound mind. The Prosecution therefore initially refrained from bringing charges against the Appellant for the protests held on 20 October and 23 December 2016.”